Two Penn State Harrisburg American Studies doctoral students received awards from the American Folklore Society Oct. 15 at the society's annual conference in Bloomington, Ind.

Spencer L. Green, of Provo, Utah, received the William Wells Newell Prize for his paper, "Disastrous Alternatives: Boy Scout Disaster Stories and Legends and Imagining the Natural World." During the conference, Green presented his paper, which was published in the "Children's Folklore Review." Green is the second consecutive Penn State Harrisburg student to win the prize, an international competition run annually since 1980.

Amy K. Milligan, of Manheim, Pa., won the Raphael Patai Prize in Jewish Folklore and Ethnologyfor her essay, "Wearing Many Hats: Head-Covering Practices of Orthodox Jewish Women." As a result of the prize, her essay will be published in the "Jewish Cultural Studies" series by Littman Library of Jewish Civilization in Oxford, England. Milligan is one of two recipients of this year's endowed award, also an international competition.

Based at Ohio State University, the American Folklore Society is an international association of people who study folklore and seek to broaden its understanding. More than 700 folklorists attend its annual meeting to exchange ideas and to recognize outstanding work.

See http://harrisburg.psu.edu/news/doctoral-students-win-folklore-society-awards

Distinguished Professor of American Studies and Folklore Simon Bronner recently completed two books exploring current developments and philosophies of traditions: "Explaining Traditions: Folk Behavior in Modern Culture," which he wrote, and "Revisioning Ritual: Jewish Traditions in Transition," which he edited.

Published by University Press of Kentucky, "Explaining Traditions" discusses why we hold onto tradition, even in an age of mass media. Investigating modern issues, including the appeal of football and the psychology of the Internet, the book asserts the importance of tradition in everyday life.

"[Explaining Traditions] is a landmark study that is distinguished by both its thorough scholarship and its breadth of vision," said William Ferris, former chair of the National Endowment for the Humanities.

Published by Littman (Oxford, England), "Revisioning Ritual" examines how a changing society has led to new religious traditions - especially in Judaism - arising out of the need for belonging in the community. The series of articles, which has been nominated for the National Jewish Book Award, examines a range of rituals - liturgies, holidays, life-cycle events, and political rallies.

The "Encyclopedia of American Studies" (EAS) online, the leading reference work in American Studies, has moved to Penn State Harrisburg.

Dr. Simon Bronner, Distinguished Professor of American Studies and folklore, is the new editor, and Dr. John Haddad, associate professor of American Studies and popular culture, is managing editor. Established 15 years ago, the collection has been edited at Temple University and published by Johns Hopkins University Press.

The encyclopedia brings together disciplines related to U.S. history and cultures, from pre-colonial days to the present and offers more than 700 online, searchable articles and biographies and accompanying bibliographies to support research and study. The American Studies Association supports the encyclopedia.

"Dr. Bronner's deep association with American Studies over many years, his wide ranging scholarship, and his own experience as editor of journals, books, and of the 'Encyclopedia of American Folklife,' made him the perfect choice to edit the EAS," said Temple Professor of English and American Studies and former online editor-in-chief Miles Orvell.  "I'm confident that with the support of Penn State Harrisburg and of his colleagues and students in the college's American Studies program, he will carry it forward as the indispensable reference for the field, expanding its materials and extending its outreach."

Writing in 1968 as head of the Folklore Institute at Indiana University, Richard M. Dorson bemoaned the lack of opportunities in higher education for studying the "home turf" in America of many budding folklorists. He had been trained in the History of American Civilization at Harvard and had been the first doctoral candidate (and he claimed the last) to choose folklore as one of five American fields. He considered folklore essential to an understanding of American culture, especially with the folklorist's eye for discerning theories regarding the function of tradition and methods of field work and working with human and archival sources. He looked around at an upsurge of interest among students scattered among a variety of disciplinary silos investigating ethnic, occupational, regional, and gendered cultures in the United States and predicted, "Among the new generation of students are some comajors in folklore and American Studies who will master comparative, historical, and critical thinking, and they may produce the sound, perceptive treatments of folklore in American literature or American history that are yet to be written."  He may have been thinking of literature and history because of his orientation derived from his Harvard days (he was an undergraduate major in "history and literature"), but he probably did not fully anticipate the "cultural turn" that embraced American traditions as a specialization with the added tools of ethnography and sociological and psychological analysis and the applications of public folklore, cultural resource management, new media, heritage and museum studies.

Shortly after Dorson's complaint was aired, a dramatic shift occurred in the view of folklore as a living tradition close to home that enabled American folklore to expand as a field of study. Before 1975, Dorson could cite surveys of folklore coursework in the United States and Canada that showed world folklore and the ballad dominating the American collegiate curriculum. By the 1980s, however, American folklore rose to the top of the list of the most common courses in folklore offered in American universities. One entire major program begun in 1966 in Cooperstown connected to the State University of New York offered a stand-alone M.A. degree in "American Folk Culture" that stood apart from other programs operating at the time at the University of Pennsylvania, Indiana University, University of Texas, and UCLA in its emphasis on material culture, folklife and ethnology, and museum studies in the United States. In the next decade, students could declare "folklife" as a specialization on the way to receiving a Ph.D. in American Studies at George Washington University. At Dorson's home institution of Indiana University, the American Studies Program allowed students to hold a double major in folklore and American Studies. Beginning as an interdepartmental "curriculum," the Folklore Program at University of North Carolina moved into the Department of American Studies by century's end with a commitment to regional folklife, particularly in the South. Although Cooperstown shut down its folklore program in favor of a concentration in history museum studies, a new program at Penn State Harrisburg compensated for the loss by offering a folk culture subfield with their American Studies Ph.D.

These developments raise questions about the preparation for scholarship and careers in the twenty-first century that focus on the American context for folk traditions, particularly in the educational incubator of the Middle Atlantic Region that had long been viewed as a microcosm of America with its plural ethnic identity, location as source of American cultural movements, and regional "middleness." The conventional routes into folk cultural study in the twentieth century primarily had been through literature (often in departments of English and languages) and anthropology. The kinds of folklore studied often varied, and were limited, according to the disciplinary focus. Understandably, an emphasis on literature and speech in language departments influenced the consideration of folklore as narrative. Anthropology courses on folk culture primarily presented material on custom and narrative, primarily in non-Western societies. It certainly became possible to take folklore as a major at a few universities, including Dorson's beloved Harvard, but American material often was a minor segment of the curriculum, in favor of a global, comparative perspective. I recall when I taught at Harvard in 1996-1997, my course offerings in American folklore to my surprise broke new ground, even though they attracted the notice of the Harvard Crimson for being "must-have" electives in an otherwise esoteric curriculum. UCLA couched folklore courses under a World Arts and Culture department and an American folklife course at Indiana University, long a mainstay of the curriculum, disappeared along with Dorson's own famed course in "Folklore in American Civilization."

A first question to ask is whether the American focus is too limiting for a boundary-crossing phenomenon like folklore.  The answer necessarily takes in the vastness and diversity of the American social and physical landscape. Further the spatialization of folklore with "America" forces analysis of the connection of folklore to national, regional, and local contexts that are often political as well as cultural. Perhaps this tendency is why American Studies has been especially attractive to considerations of public engagement, heritage, and application.  That is not to say that transnational connections and global diffusion are excluded. Americanists, well aware of the migrant nature of their subject, also take as a given the necessity of seeking sources and precedents outside the continent for American cultural phenomena. That orientation leads to a twin concern for synchronic and diachronic analysis, that is, using ethnography to document the present and historical chronology and context for precedents. The explanatory goal of American Studies often led to an additional step beyond identification common in folkloristic essays: psychological or cognitive sources of traditions. For its evidence, American Studies is not limited by a discipline to a type or genre. Therefore, material culture, folk arts, beliefs, and  bodylore that went overlooked in English, history, and anthropology were avidly picked up to address the issues of an American environment.

A second question is where folklore fits into an intellectual organization by geographic area. The answer to this one is that a natural fit of folklore with American Studies occurs because of the special concern for interpreting the patterns and ideas evident in American culture. Americanists therefore called for looking at interrelations of folk, popular, and elite culture rather than delimiting or excluding material for study. Dorson offered a visual representation of a conventional disciplinary view of culture with bounded boxes piled on top of one another. Folk rested on the bottom and elite sat at the top of the heap. In an Americanist orientation, culture is presented as a series of relationships with folk interacting with popular, mass, and elite. This orientation is one of the reasons, I believe, that the social interactional approach emphasizing the situations and scenes of American everyday life has been an especially important contribution of folklore to American Studies (Bauman and Abrahams 1976: 375-76). Folklore provides expressive evidence of America's pluralism at the grassroots. As such, area studies have inspired a number of interdisciplinary spinoffs that have the potential to complement cultural area and national work and emphasize folkloristic perspectives: ethnic studies, regional studies, gender studies, cultural studies, religious studies, and cultural sustainability, among others. Perhaps because of the weak regional identity of the Middle Atlantic and ethnic pluralism compared to the South, West, and New England, however, much of the interdisciplinary effort in the Middle Atlantic States has been in American Studies as an umbrella for local and ethnic studies.

If American Studies is so broadly conceived, however, one might worry that folklore would get swallowed up or relegated to the margins of study.  A mitigating factor from the intellectual heritage of folkloristics is that a body of scholarship exists covering many groups and genres that have been overlooked by the big disciplines. In the search for cultural coverage in American Studies, folkloristics often gets noticed more than in other disciplinary homes. Additionally, folklorists more than anthropologists have been willing to examine one's own backyard, so to speak, as a research field to query issues of identity, function, and symbolism. Familiarity with one's culture did not exclude researchers from taking an objective stance; in fact, "dealing with one's own" was encouraged. It also often led to an applied aspect where the results of research could lead to social action including education, cultural programming (e.g., preservation projects, exhibitions, festivals), and public policy advocacy.

Although journals abound with calls for linking the evidence of folklore with American Studies, material on devising a curriculum oriented toward folkloristics hardly exists. An intriguing exception is Tremaine McDowell's description of the efforts by the American Studies program at the University of Minnesota to emphasize folklore "as sources of information concerning America" (McDowell 1948: 44). The alteration he proposed to disciplinary approaches in history and literature to folklore is to emphasize the relationship of folklore to American life rather than letters or events. Formal instruction did exist within the department of history (by Philip Jordan and at least once by Richard Dorson). McDowell was quick to point out that "the student's work in folklore is done within the frame of reference not of history alone but the much wider frame of American culture as a whole" (1948: 46). The radical statement for its time, however, was that "This broad overview is organized and systematized for seniors in a final proseminar in American Studies" (1948: 46).  In other words, folklore is the foundation as well as capstone of students' American cultural education.

Minnesota did not sustain this orientation that just may have been ahead of its time, although folklorists taught there through the end of the twentieth century. I daresay, however, that Penn State Harrisburg with its new doctoral program (established in 2009) building upon its legacy of undergraduate and graduate education since 1972 is actively working to reframe "American culture as a whole." Instead of a solitary course on folklore, several exist with different concentrations. Undergraduates can begin with "Introduction to American Folklore" and "Popular Culture and Folklife" at the 100-level and advance to "American Folklore" at the 300 level and "Folktale in American Literature" at the 400 level. Folklore is evident as it was at Minnesota in the capstone experience of "American Themes, American Eras" (491W). Additionally, students have access to a number of applied courses oriented toward public heritage careers such as "Museum Studies," "Public Heritage," "Historic Preservation," "Archives and Records Management," and "Oral History." A Center for Pennsylvania Culture supports much of the regional public heritage work and provides research projects. With the passage of time and new areas of inquiry from the foundations of American Studies, new coursework involving folklore is available such as "Americans at Work," "American Masculinities," "Ethnicity and the American Experience," "Ethnography of the United States," and "American Expressive Forms." These courses are tied together by an overarching goal "to advance the documentation and interpretation of the American experience, past and present, through research with a variety of evidence, including objects, still and moving images, practices and performances, and oral and written texts."

The master's program features coursework, internships, and independent studies in folklore and folklife, including "Topics in Folklore" and "Material Culture and Folklife." Regularly offered courses in "Ethnography and Society," "Local and Regional Studies," "Seminar in Public Heritage," "Topics in Popular Culture," and "Field Experience in Americans Studies" conspicuously complement the strong folkloric component of the program. Special topic graduate courses taught by folklorists have included "Foodways," "Public Folklore," "Folk Art," "Folk Medicine," "Folk Music," and "Festival." The culminating experience is a thesis or project (including exhibitions, documentaries, catalogues, and creative productions) that allows for alternative forms of scholarship. Many of these projects have been on folklore including published versions on legend trips, Pennsylvania German folklife, folk crafts, vernacular architecture, folklore in education, and children's.

Many teachers and public heritage professionals may "stumble" upon folklore and then embrace it in their graduate coursework as part of a general plan of study. At the doctoral level, students tend to declare folk culture as a specialization. Other fields that complement it at Penn State Harrisburg are defined as course sequences in "Public Heritage and Museum Studies," "Interdisciplinary History and Politics," "Society and Ethnography," and "Regional, Urban, and Environmental Studies. Doctoral students declare two of these subfields and most budding folklorists claim "Society and Ethnography" or "Public Heritage and Museum Studies" along with folk and popular culture. Even if they do not identify themselves as folklorists, they get a strong dose of folkloristics in their American Studies preparation that serves them for projects that have included food, media, and art studies. Indeed, the first dissertation to come out of the program was on a folkloristic topic of folkloric responses to disaster on the Internet followed by projects on Jewish dress, backpacking narratives, and food recipe transmission. The program is also home to the Middle Atlantic American Studies Association which sponsors research conferences involving students and professionals, such as the upcoming "Heritage and the State" conference co-sponsored with the Middle Atlantic Folklife Association at the State Capitol. Faculty also encourage students with editorial and research projects such as the Jewish Cultural Studies Series, Encyclopedia of American Folklife, Susquehanna Heritage, McCormick Family Papers, International Journal of the History of Sport, and Pennsylvania-German Research Guide.

My prediction for the twenty-first century, maybe even bolder than Dorson's uttered for the twentieth century, is that the new generation of students in the United States desiring to work in folklore will find a home in American Studies and its interdisciplinary spinoffs rather than in the "conventional" disciplines of English, anthropology, and history--and even folklore. And in the process, the face of folklore will contain more folklife, material culture, and public heritage concerns than in years past. The theoretical orientations may also shift, too, with attention to cultural history, everyday life, media and contemporary practices, and folk-popular culture relations. The institutions of the Middle Atlantic can lead the way.

References

Baker, Ronald L. 1971. "Folklore Courses and Programs in American Colleges and Universities." Journal of American Folklore 84: 221-29.

________. 1986. "Folklore and Folklife Studies in American and Canadian Colleges and Universities." Journal of American Folklore 99: 50-74.

Bauman, Richard, and Roger D. Abrahams. 1976. "American Folklore and American Studies." American Quarterly 28: 360-77.

Bronner, Simon J. 1996. "American Studies and Folklore." In American Folklore: An Encyclopedia, ed. Jan Harold Brunvand, 24-27. New York: Garland.

Cohen, Hennig. 1959. "American Folklore and American Studies: A Final Comment." Journal of American Folklore 72: 241-42.

Dolby, Sandra K. 1996. "Essential Contributions of a Folkloric Perspective to American Studies." Journal of Folklore Research 33: 58-64.

Dorson, Richard M. 1950. "The Growth of Folklore Courses." Journal of American Folklore 63: 345-59.

Dorson, Richard M. 1971. "Folklore in Relation to American Studies." In American Folklore and the Historian by Richard M. Dorson, 78-93. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

McDowell, Tremaine. 1948. "Folklore and American Studies." American Heritage 2 (old series): 44-47.

Sunday, August 22, 2010, 1 p.m. Book Signing at Border's Books, 5125 Jonestown Road, Harrisburg, PA 17112

Sunday, August 29, 2010, 1 p.m. Book Signing at Barnes and Noble, Camp Hill Shopping Center, 58 South 32nd Street, Camp Hill, PA 17011.

Sunday, August 29, 2010, 7 p.m. Presentation at Beth El Temple, 2637 North Front Street, Harrisburg, PA

Saturday, September 11, 2010, 2 p.m. Book Signing at Border's books, 5125 Jonestown Road, Harrisburg, PA 17112

Wednesday, September 15, 2010, 6:30 p.m. Presentation at Historical Society of Dauphin County, 219 South Front Street,  Harrisburg, PA 17104

Sunday, September 19, 2010, 2 p.m. Presentation at  Midtown Scholar Bookstore, 1302 North 3rd Street, Harrisburg, PA, 17102

Thursday, October 28, 2010, 12 p.m. Presentation at Senior Lunch and Learn, Jewish Community Center, 3301 N. Front Street, Harrisburg, PA 17110


The following essay appeared in Dutch in a publication devoted to public heritage. I share it here in English for your comment. The citation is "De Economie van Volkscultuur" [The Economics of Folk Culture]. In Splitsen of knopen? Over Volkscultuur in Nederland [Splitting of Knots? On Folk Culture in the Netherlands], ed. Hester Dibbits, Richard Hermans, Jan Jaap Knol, Gitta Luiten, Taco de Neef, and Ineke Strouken, 130-38. Antwerp: Thonik.

The Economics of Folk Culture

Simon J. Bronner

Excitement among residents annually builds in the weeks before the traditional October 3 celebration of the Relief of Leiden in the Netherlands (Leidens Ontzet) with posters proclaiming yet another enactment of the municipality's free distribution of herring and white bread to the town's citizens.  For several Dutch ethnologists I met, the ritualized handing of herring and white bread over in the historic "weighing house" (Waaghaus) is the core custom of the event and a certain disdain could be heard in their voices as they describe the tacky carnivals and mercenary vendor stalls that occupy much of the city on the day and seem to have overshadowed the connection to thanksgiving for the relief.  When I was teaching at Leiden University, my neighbors informed me that as they were given the day off by their employers, they were leaving to avoid the tumult of the celebrations, but offered me a generous supply of hutspot (a stew of carrots, onions, and meat associated with the event) to have me experience, in their words, some authentic remains of the overly commercialized festival. Although historical chronicles recount the spontaneous celebration of the city's relief in 1574, now the celebration is tightly organized by the 3 October Vereeniging Leiden (3 October of Leiden Society). Besides attending to the morning distribution of food in the town hall,  the society oversees a host of activities including parades, carnival, orations, and concerts and promotes the significance of the event as Leiden's most important traditie, or festive tradition. The society sponsors officially licensed apparel emblazoned with the town seal and the year "1574." On-line or on the streets, shoppers can buy red and white umbrellas, hats,  pins, scarves, and "herring-safe" gloves (palms are covered but the fingertips are exposed). Although American-styled baseball caps with flashing light-emitting-diode bulbs around the seal drew attention from consumers, the committee gave a nod to traditional headwear with a fisherman's hat with the festival's imprint (the renowned fishing village of Katwijk aan Zee is nearby). Responsibility for sales of the goods is given to the Committee on Commerce, which had formerly been given the more philanthropic name of the Committee on Fundraising. The chair understood the committee's importance if the tradition were to continue, because staging the elaborate festival is expensive and the financially strapped city wanted the festival to pay for itself. A way that has been accomplished is to attract non-Leiden residents to partake of the festivities, although much of the parading and events are oriented to a local clientele.

 Although ethnological scholars usually investigate folk culture as non-commercial traditions with the kind of communal sharing represented by the distribution of herring and the neighborly sharing of hutspot, public events such as the Leiden festival in a capitalistic society unaffectedly blend commercial elements with performative aspects of the traditions. Such a fusion is hardly alien to a market town such as Leiden where visitors flock to stalls with regional cheeses and distinctly Dutch performances of shoppers raising raw herring above their mouths and downing it with flair. As a result, residents as well as town leaders acknowledge that the festival has a significant economic as well as cultural role to play in the region. If residents have second thoughts about the noise, trash, and crowding generated by the event, they also converse about it as an opportunity to reflect on the local identity represented by continuous practice of traditions at home and on the street.  Although the scholarly trend has been to treat consumerism as counter or even disruptive to folk culture, an argument exists that indeed commercialism at such festivals and public events follows or adapts to folk cultural patterns and can therefore be interpreted as part of the custom rather than threatening to it (see Bronner 1987; Dégh 1994; Long 2003; Santino 1996).  In classrooms and journals, scholars eagerly debate the implications of incorporating consumer culture into folkloristic and ethnological perspectives, but in the public imagination the lines are more sharply drawn, probably as a result of intellectual constructions of folk and popular culture initiated by ethnological scholarship: folk is social; popular is commercial. The implication of this binary thinking is folk culture is considered "out of sight" as well as "out of mind," to borrow a folk proverb, in economic assessment and planning. Despite bookshelves of material showing artisanship and economic exchange as part of ritual and custom, folk culture is thought of as activity done at home rather than at work; the outcomes of folk practice are therefore social and private rather than monetary and public. Folk culture may be further relegated to the margins of the body politic by being rubricated under "arts," therefore implying a non-utilitarian status of escape from, rather than integration into, the workaday world.

The marginalization of folk culture in the capitalistic public sector is particularly evident during fiscally difficult times, despite the appeal made that funding of folk cultural programming benefits ethnic, aging, rural, and working-class communities hard hit by economic downturns. In the midst of a deep recession in 2009, for example, United States President Barack Obama initiated a massive economic stimulus plan that he foresaw stabilizing declining construction, real estate, banking, and automobile industries. At the insistence of Speaker of the House of Representatives Nancy Pelosi, the economic legislation earmarked a tiny portion, 50 million out of the total stimulus package of 787 billion dollars, for arts to be allocated by the National Endowment for the Arts, a federal agency that during the 1990s beat back political calls for outright elimination.  Among the organizations receiving funding in the amount of 50, 000 dollars was the Alliance for California Traditional Arts. To be eligible the folk cultural organization needed to show how federal funds would help retain jobs. Among its activities, the Alliance sponsored a Mariachi festival, Laotian dance classes and performances, Hmong sacred funeral singing workshops, and an archives of folklife activities in the San Joaquin Valley. Yet despite demonstrating the generation of jobs and infusion of money into local ethnic economies, conservative critics attacked the allocation with the blanket view that arts do not have significant outcomes. Former presidential candidate Senator John McCain, for example proclaimed during the Senate debate that "We should take out these little, tiny, porky items that will provide questionable stimulative effects." Tennessee Republican Representative Phil Roe added during House debate that "whatever one believes about spending taxpayer dollars on the arts ... it should not be done when the country is facing a trillion dollar deficit" (Doyle 2009). In response, the National Endowment for the Arts referred to a study released by the National Governors Association stating "Arts and culture are important to state economies. Arts and culture-related industries, also known as 'creative industries,' provide direct economic benefits to states and communities: They create jobs, attract investments, generate tax revenues, and stimulate local economies through tourism and consumer purchases" (NGA 2009: 4). In hard numbers, economic impact studies consistently show that governmental spending on folk arts results in a significant return on investment with production of jobs and revenues. Nationwide, the nonprofit arts industry claims that it produces 166 billion dollars in economic activity every year and the generation of 6 million full-time equivalent jobs; of that amount, state art agency funding for folk arts has been consistently two to three percent of the annual budget total (Americans for the Arts 2009; Peterson 1996: 11). An argument can be made that the proportion for folk cultural funding should be increased to better reach a number of population sectors engaged in artisan, heritage, and ethnic maintenance activity as a compelling interest of governmental cultural policy. But that argument has been difficult to make without recognition that folk culture and arts can constitute an "industry," or at least engaged in economic activity.

The problem persists in governmental deliberation that arts and heritage funding generally, and folk cultural programming specifically, are often deemed expendable. Despite the hard numbers showing the economic as well as cultural value of investment in folk arts, folk cultural organizations--typically being small non-profit agencies or supplemental educational concerns--are frequent targets for budget cuts or elimination. Although a world-wide recession during the last years of the twenty-first century's first decade brought this situation to the fore, I predict that a rise in markets will not restore many of these programs because the organizations do not wield political leverage and governments of Western capitalist countries increasingly want to privatize cultural promotion (or avoid implementing cultural policy). That is not to say that success stories for folk cultural investment are not at hand. Many public heritage advocates look to federal "New Deal" programs in the United States during the 1930s as one model. In agencies of the New Deal, such as the Federal Writers' Project (FWP) of the Works Progress Administration (WPA), folklore was a keyword used to designate a populist response to the Great Depression that involved documenting and adapting folk culture. According to B.A. Botkin, who headed the Folklore Division of the FWP, "In its belief in the public support of art and art for the public, in research not for research's sake but for use and enjoyment by the many, the WPA is attempting to assimilate folklore to the local and national life by understanding, in the first place, the relation between the lore and the life out of which it springs; and by translating the lore back into terms of daily living and leisure-time activity. In other words, the WPA looks upon folklore research not as a private but as a public function and folklore as public, not private property" (Botkin [1939] 1988: 261; for contemporary invocations of the WPA for a cultural agenda today, see Graves 2005; Hirsch 2003; Ivey 2008).  In Japan, the 1950 Law for Protection of Cultural Properties established a category of  "living national national treasures"  that has encouraged maintenance and apprenticeship of folk crafts.  Some locations such as Miyajima Island near Hiroshima around the Itsukushima Shrine (on UNESCO's World Heritage List) have been developed as folk craft centers where tourists flock to purchase as well as view traditional practices. In the public discourse about the site, visitors and government officials rarely voice a conflict between commercialization and tradition.

Overall, advocates of cultural heritage programming, whether they be citizens or professional ethnologists and folklorists, should be better able to assess, and interpret, the economic source, impact, and implication of folk cultural practice. To be sure, social and ethical justifications for folk cultural programming remain important: maintaining civic pride, gaining a sense of belonging, conserving and adapting folk knowledge and skills, and democratizing cultural participation. Economic justifications can and should be made for public funding and more plans should be formulated for economic development that take advantage of private and business interests in folk cultural programming (as occurred in Leiden). Scholarly involvement is essential meanwhile to better understand the economic context of folk cultural practice that may include revision of sharp distinctions drawn between folk and popular culture, as well as traditional and commercial practice, and altering disciplinary approaches to presenting folk culture in the classroom (see, for example, in the Dutch ethnological context, Roodenburg 2007).  We might then know not only the custom of downing herring, but also what it costs--and generates--socially and economically.

 

References

Americans for the Arts. 2009. Arts and Economic Prosperity III. Washington, D.C.: Americans for the Arts.

Botkin, B.A. [1939] 1988. "WPA and Folklore Research: 'Bread and Song.'" In The Conservation of Culture: Folklorists and the Public Sector, ed. Burt Feintuch, 258-63. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky.

Bronner, Simon J. 1988. "Reading Consumer Culture," in Consuming Visions: Accumulation and Display of Goods in America, 1880-1920, ed. Simon J. Bronner, 13-53. New York: W. W. Norton.

Dégh, Linda. 1994. American Folklore and the Mass Media. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Doyle, Michael. 2009. "Two Fresno Arts Groups Get Federal Economic Stimulus Money." McClatchy Newspapers Website (July 9). http://www.mcclatchydc.com/economy/story/71576.html . Accessed July 23, 2009.

Graves, James Bau. 2005. Cultural Democracy: The Arts, Community, and the Public Purpose. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.

Hirsch, Jerrold. 2003. Portrait of America: A Cultural History of the Federal Writers' Project. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Ivey, Bill. 2008. Arts, Inc.: How Greed and Neglect Have Destroyed Our Cultural Rights. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Long, Lucy M., ed. 2003. Culinary Tourism. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky.

NGA Center for Best Practices, National Governors Association. 2009. Arts and the Economy: Using Arts and Culture to Stimulate State Economic Development. Washington, D.C. : National Governors Association. http://www.nga.org/Files/pdf/0901ARTSANDECONOMY.PDF.

Peterson, Elizabeth. 1996. The Changing Face of Tradition: A Report on the Folk and Traditional Arts in the United States. Washington, D.C.: National Endowment for the Arts.

Roodenburg, Herman. 2007. "Their Own Heritage: Women Wearing Traditional Costumes in the Village of Marken." In Reframing Dutch Culture: Between Otherness and Authenticity, ed. Peter Jan Margry and Herman Roodenburg, 245-58. Aldershot, England: Ashgate.

Santino, Jack. 1996. New Old Fashioned Ways: Holidays and Popular Culture. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Presss.


Crossing the Line lecture in conjunction with special exhibit, SKIN AND BONES: TATTOOS IN THE LIFE OF THE AMERICAN SAILOR

Saturday, September 12, 2009, 2:30-3:30 pm

INDEPENDENCE SEAPORT MUSEUM

Penn's Landing, Philadelphia PA
(215)413-8655

phillyseaport.org

Hazing at sea will be the topic of a lively presentation describing the centuries-old sailors' ceremony that occurs shipboard when crossing the equator.  This illustrated talk by Simon Bronner, Ph.D., Distinguished University Professor of American Studies and Folklore at Pennsylvania State University and author of a book on the subject, reveals the sometimes controversial rituals involving role-playing, cross-dressing, initiation rites, and a wild cast of characters that includes King Neptune, Davy Jones, shellbacks, and pollywogs.

For more information, click here

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Join me for a presentation Wednesday, August 12, 2009, at noon, on my latest book, Killing Tradition: Inside Hunting and Animal Rights Controversies, sponsored by the Pennsylvania State Book Store  in the Keystone Commonwealth Building in the Capitol Complex in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. The presentation is free and open to the public. Books will be available for sale and signing. Click here for more information and RSVP.

http://youtu.be/BR0oZ2pnhyg

 

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Jewishness: Expression, Identity, and Representation, edited by Simon J. Bronner. For more information, click here.

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