SPCOM 083S: Freshman Seminar
Fall 2000
J. Michael Hogan

Political Campaigns in the Age of Television

Political Campaigns in the Age of Television is a Freshman Seminar focusing on presidential politics from 1956 to the present. It is not a comprehensive, chronological survey of the political history of that era. Rather, it provides an historical overview of the period, while focusing upon changes in the political process and in the character of political campaigns. Touching upon key problems and issues in democratic theory as well as in practical politics, it addresses questions posed frequently by scholars and political pundits alike: Has the quality of public discourse in political campaigns been degraded by changes in the electoral process and by electronic media? Is it possible to have an engaged, informed, and responsible electorate in the age of 30-second "spot" ads and journalistic "sound bites?"

Office and Office Hours.

Office: Room 234 Sparks Building. Office hours: 11:30-12:45 TR and by appointment on Wednesday and Friday. Phone numbers: 865-3461 (office) or 364-3296 (home, no later than 7:00 p.m.). You also may leave a message for me with the departmental secretary at the office number. E-mail is often the best way to contact me with a simple message or question. My e-mail address is: jmh32@psu.edu.

Texts.

The only required text is: Trent and Friedenberg, Political Campaign Communication, 4^th ed. Additional readings will be available on Electronic Reserve or at various websites. Links for on-line readings are provided in brackets.

Course Website:

The website for this seminar is located at the following address: Http://www.personal.psu.edu/jmh32/Spcom083S

The website provides links to dozens of useful resources categorized by the major topics of the seminar: speeches, campaign advertising, campaign news coverage, and debates. The website includes a copy of the syllabus with hyperlinks to the on-line readings. The website should be most useful for locating sources and background information for your group and individual research projects. Be sure to visit the course website early in the term and familiarize yourself with its resources.

Course Assignments.

1. "Commissions on Electoral Reform." Each student will participate in a "working group" to investigate a controversial aspect of the campaign process and to propose reforms, if deemed necessary. Topics might include campaign finance, the nomination process, campaign journalism, political advertising, and presidential debates. Each commission will summarize its project in a fifteen-minute formal presentation, concluding with the commission’s proposed reforms. The entire class will then will vote to accept or reject the proposed reforms following a "Town Hall" debate. Each student will write a two-page "Commission Report" summarizing the investigative and deliberative processes of his or her own commission, and describing his or her own role in--and contributions to--the group’s work.

2. "Town Hall" Ballots. All students will write one-paragraph reactions to each "Town Hall" debate, indicating how they voted and defending their decision. Students will not vote or write reaction papers, of course, in response to the debate over their own commission’s report.

3. Research Paper. Each student will write a 8-10 page research paper exploring in greater depth some topic related to their Commission report. All students should consult with the instructor on their project in advance.

4. Examinations. Students will write a midterm and a comprehensive final exam.

Grading:

Commission Report 10%
Research Paper 30%
Town Hall Ballots 5%
Midterm Exam 15%
Final Exam 25%
Attendance 15%

Attendance will be taken daily, and seven points will be deduced from your attendance grade for each unexcused absence. Students with no unexcused absences will receive a score of 100% for attendance, those with one unexcused absence will receive 93%, those with two unexcused absences 86%, and so on. Requests for excused absences must be made in writing and be accompanied by appropriate documentation. Generally, only unavoidable absences due to illness or family emergencies will be excused. Social functions (e.g. fraternity or sorority events, weddings, etc.) will not qualify as excused absences.

All grading will be on a numerical scale, and the final course grade will be computed according to the following scale:

Policy on Plagiarism and Academic Dishonesty: The University Faculty Senate Policies for Students, in Section 49-20, defines academic dishonesty as follows: "Academic dishonesty includes, but is not limited to, cheating, plagiarizing, fabricating of information or citations, facilitating acts of academic dishonesty by others, having unauthorized possession of examinations, submitting work of another person or work previously used without informing the instructor, or tampering with the academic work of other students." In this course, cases of academic dishonesty will be handled in accordance with the procedures outlined in Section 49-20. You may access the University Faculty Senate Policies for Students from the university home page for more details.

Student Disabilities: Penn State encourages qualified persons with disabilities to participate in its programs and activities. If you anticipate needing any type of accommodation in this course or have questions about physical access, please let me know as soon as possible.

Aug. 22: The Transformation of American Politics, 1956-1996

Today we begin our discussion of the legal and structural changes in the American electoral process from the 1950s to the present. We will discuss changes in the nominating process and reforms in campaign finance laws, as well as the results of those changes: longer campaigns, the declining importance of parties and the rise of PACs, the changing purposes and character of nominating conventions, and the revolutionary impact of television and other new technologies.

Reading: Trent and Friedenberg, 3-13.

Aug. 24: The Changing American Voter and the Evolution of the Campaign Process

Not only the electoral system but voters themselves have changed since the 1950s. From the relatively uninformed, disinterested, and deferential portrait of the electorate painted by the first generation of survey research, we have evolved to more sophisticated models that hold, generally, that the electorate is essentially "rational" and responsive to the character and quality of campaign communication. Still, campaigns serve different functions for voters–and target different groups of voters--at different stages of the process. What are the implications for political communication of the changing images of the American voter? How do campaigns affect voters at various stages of the process? Are today’s marathon presidential campaigns necessary, and is the enormous amount of money spent on campaigns money well-spent?

Reading: Trent and Friedenberg, 19-57.

Aug. 29: The "Science" of Campaigning: Television, Polling, and the Age of Political Consultants

We will talk today about the consulting industry that in some ways has supplanted political parties as the driving force in political campaigns. In the process, we will focus on two technologies that have contributed significantly to the changing character of political campaigns over the past several decades: polling and television. A promotional videotape from one consulting firm will be viewed in class, while the reading provides some background on the history of the consulting industry and the functions of consultants.

Reading: Trent and Friedenberg, 349-58.
In-Class Video: "Struble and Totten: On the Cutting Edge"

Part I: Campaign Speech Making

Aug. 31: Stock Speeches, Speech Modules, Ghostwriting,

Today we begin consideration of the question: How has the role and character of campaign oratory changed in the media age? The answer, which may surprise you, is that candidates now deliver far more speeches and a greater variety of speeches than ever before. As a result, candidates now develop more "stock" campaign speeches, as well as speech "modules," or small "snippets" of speech on particular topics, for use in a variety of contexts: media interviews, debates, etc. In addition, candidates employ speech writing teams consisting of specialists in polling and focus groups, issue and opposition research, and other types of research, as well as actual writers. Changes in the "stock speech" resulting from the decline of parties, the impact of television, and other factors will be illustrated by comparing and contrasting the campaign speeches of Harry Truman and Geraldine Ferraro.

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 173-202; Harry S Truman, "Whistle Stop Speech, Elizabeth, NJ, October 7, 1948, online at http://www.pbs.org/ greatspeeches/timeline/index.html[Scroll down to 1940s, Harry S Truman, click "Speech"]; Geraldine Ferraro, "Vice Presidential Acceptance Speech," in Rohler and Cook, Great Speeches for Criticism and Analysis, 42-44 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm].

Sep. 5: Contemporary Genres: Announcement and Primary Campaign Speeches

Classical rhetorical theory did not envision the contemporary campaign speech, much less the variety of other genres of speech now routine during political campaigns. Today we begin consideration of several genres of campaign speech that have become more prominent, even routine in political campaigns, because of changes in the electoral system, changing journalistic conventions, and other factors. The first two genres we will examine have, in fact, grown in importance only in very recent years: the announcement speech and the primary campaign speech. The ability to launch one’s campaign effectively, and to distinguish one’s self effectively from candidates within one’s own political party, has become increasingly important in an era when more and more candidates run in more and more primaries.

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 207-16; Al Gore, Announcement Speech in Carthage, TN, June 16, 1999, online at: http://www.gore2000.org/ speeches/speeches_announce_061699.html;

In-Class Video: Excerpts from George W. Bush, Announcement speech in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, June 12, 1999..

Sept 7: The Televisual Convention: "Acceptance" and "Keynote" Addresses Speeches

The national conventions of the two major political parties were conceived as "nominating conventions," where party loyalists would gather to debate and decide who should represent their party as a presidential candidate and the platform on which they would run. Not only television but reforms in the nominating process changed all that. Now each party’s nominee is determined by the primaries, well before the national convention, and so the conventions have evolved into the "opening shot" of the fall campaign. Put another way, the national party conventions are best viewed, not as the end to the nominating process, but as the beginning of the general campaign.

This change is clearly reflected in the character of the speeches delivered at the conventions. While still labeled "acceptance" and "keynote" addresses, the major speeches now delivered at the conventions are, technically, persuasive rather than epideictic speeches. Still, the speeches vary widely depending on the specific situations and purposes of the speakers. Bill Clinton, for example, gave quite different speeches as the challenger in 1992 and the incumbent in 1996. How would you characterize those differences? Likewise, two of the most famous keynote addresses, by Barbara Jordan and Ann Richards, are very different. How would you describe and explain those differences?

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 216-25; Bill Clinton, Acceptance Address at 1992 Democratic National Convention, online at: http://www.dncc96.org/ cg96/accept/index.html] ; Bill Clinton, Acceptance speech at 1996 Democratic Convention, online at http://www.pbs.org/newshour/convention96/floor_speeches/ clinton_8-29.html; Barbara Jordan, Keynote address at Democratic Convention, July 12, 1976, online at: http://www.csudh.edu/stuaffs/ dconv_speech.html; Ann Richards, Keynote Address at Democratic Convention, July 18, 1988," in Rohler and Cook, Great Speeches, 86-90 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm] .

Sep. 12: The Genre of Apologia: A Dog Named Checkers and a Catholic Named Kennedy

The rise of adversarial journalism, and particularly the phenomenon of the media "feeding frenzy," has given new importance to an old speech genre: the apologia, or speech of apology. Generally delivered in response to accusations of personal or ethical misconduct, the apologia does not always--literally--apologize--that is, admit to the accusation and ask for forgiveness. Rhetorical theorists and political speech writers have identified many different strategies for responding to accusations, and there is much debate over which strategies prove must effectively under differing circumstances.

Today we first focus on two historic apologia that often have served as object lessons for candidates and their speech writers: Richard Nixon’s "Checker’s Address," and John F. Kennedy’s speech before the Houston Ministerial Association during the 1960 campaign. Both speeches do have important "lessons" to teach, but both also are shrouded in myth and frequently misunderstood. Then we will revisit a more recent apologia that, while not delivered in the midst of a campaign, nevertheless has attracted much attention and comment from rhetorical theorists and critics: William Jefferson Clinton’s "confession" on August 17, 1998 that he had an extramarital affair with Monica Lewinsky.

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 235-42; Richard Nixon, "Checkers Speech, Sept 23, 1952, online at http://www.pbs.org/greatspeeches/ timeline/index.html [Scroll down to 1950s, Richard Nixon, click "Background" and "Speech"]; John F. Kennedy, "Address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association," online at: http://www.tamu.edu/ scom/pres/speeches/jfkhouston.html; Bill Clinton, Speech on Lewinsky Affair, August 17, 1998, and J. Michael Hogan, "Public Opinion and Journalistic Voyeurism," both online at http://www.americancomm.org /%7Eaca/acj/acj.html. [Click "ACJ Holdings, go to Volume Two, Issue Two. Read the full text of Clinton’s speech and the essay by Hogan].

In-class video: Excerpts from Nixon’s Checker’s Address and Kennedy’s Houston Ministerial Association Address.

Sep. 14: The Limits of Persuasion: Rhetorical Malaise and the Reagan Revolution

Dubbed the "Great Communicator," Ronald Reagan’s speeches inspired both imitation and criticism. As we begin to consider what made Reagan an effective yet controversial speaker, we shall consider first a classic "failed" speech that created a context and a point of contrast for Reagan: Jimmy Carter’s so-called "Malaise Speech." Then, we will consider one of Reagan’s best known speeches in an effort to discover what made him the "Great Communicator." Do you think he really deserved that title? Why or why not?

Readings: Jimmy Carter, "Energy Crisis [Malaise] Speech," online at http://www.tamu.edu/scom/pres/speeches/jccrisis.html; Ronald Reagan, First State of the Union Address," online at: http://www.reagan.com/ plate.main/ronald/speeches/rrspeech0d.html.

Sept 19: Reagan, Cuomo, and the "Effeminate" Style in Campaign Speech

Part II: Campaign Advertising

Sep. 21: Media and Strategy in Political Advertising

Today’s campaigns spend the bulk of their revenues–tens of millions of dollars in presidential campaigns–on political advertising. The bulk of that money goes to television advertising, although campaigns also employ radio ads, signage, printed literature, telephone banks, direct mail, and websites. The planning and execution of political advertising campaigns is an extremely complicated business, involving decisions about timing, media buys, and ad design and content. Our reading discusses a few of the general strategies often employed in political advertising, but political consultants have developed few real "theories" of what works and what does not work in political advertising. The effectiveness of particular ad strategies is dependent on so many factors–the characteristics of the particular candidate, the mood of the voters, the context of unfolding events, etc.–that political advertising remains more art than science.

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 319-49.

Sep. 26: The Campaign Biography

With the declining influence of political parties, the proliferation of primaries, and the changing purposes of nominating conventions, candidates no longer base the themes and communicative strategies of campaigns on party platforms. Rather, it now is considered mandatory that a serious presidential campaign produce a campaign "biography" to serve as a "blueprint" for the campaign, a sort of "candidate’s platform" in an era of personality politics. In fact, not all of these works are really "biographical" in character. Some, such as Carter’s Why Not the Best?, do indeed tell life stories and focus upon the person and his or her character. Others, however, are more ideological or philosophical in character, elaborating the candidates’ political beliefs and/or promises rather than telling a life story (e.g. Goldwater’s The Conscience of a Conservative or Gary Hart’s A New Democracy). Some, such as Bush’s A Charge to Keep, try to combine both approaches. Today we will discuss these differences in approach and how the campaign biography provides the blueprint for all political advertising in the modern campaign.

Readings: Barry Goldwater, The Conscience of a Conservative, 9-23 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm] ; Jimmy Carter, Why Not the Best? 8-32 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm] ; George W. Bush, A Charge to Keep, 226-43 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm].

Sep. 28: The "Classics" of Television "Spot" Advertising, 1956-2000

We will begin our study of the most important form of political advertising with a review of the history, purposes, and basic techniques of television "spot" advertising. In the process, we will consider some of the "classics" of presidential spot advertising and the "lessons" political consultants have drawn from them. Television spot ads obviously have changed significantly since they were first used by Dwight D. Eisenhower in the 1950s. Comparing Eisenhower’s spot ads to those used in the current campaign by Al Gore, what do you see as the major "innovations" in political spot ads since the 1950s?

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 139-45; Eisenhower spots, online at: http://www.pbs.org/30secondcandidate/from_idea_to_ad/watch2.htm; Gore spot ads, online at: http://www.algore2000.com/video/[Click "Watch an ad" and watch the spots]

In-Class Video: "The Living Room Campaign"

Oct 3: Form and Content in Spot Ads

Over the years, political consultants have developed some rather standard "formulas" for political spot ads and a conventional wisdom of what sorts of ads work best for particular purposes. In a different context, this conventional wisdom might be described as a "theory" of political advertising. But as we shall see, the conventional wisdom about political ads changes from election to election, as new "lessons" about what works seem to emerge out of each campaign cycle. This suggests that a genuine "theory" of political advertising remains elusive or, at least, that political advertising is so dependent upon the particular historical context that no set theory can be applied in all historical contexts.

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 145-56.

In-class video: Devlin Archive, "Types of Presidential Ads, 1952-1996.

Oct. 5: The Rhetoric of the Attack Ad

The most debated and controversial topic in political advertising is, no doubt, the issue of negative or "attack" advertising. At various times, there even have been attempts to legislate against such ads. Negative advertising also has inspired much research, yet we still do not know for sure why some attack ads seem to work and others seem to backfire. The conventional wisdom among political consultants tends to be that attack ads generally work, despite surveys that show overwhelming majorities of voters expressing their distaste for negative advertising. At one time, attack ads generally were employed only by candidates trailing in the polls, and even then only in last-ditch efforts to turn the tide. Now, however, campaigns routinely deploy attack ads from the start, although such ads often are now more subtle and indirect than in the early days of television.

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 156-65..

In-Class Video: Devlin Archive, "1952 to 1996 Collection of Historic Negative Ads."

Oct. 10: Fall Break

Oct. 12: Issues, Controversies, and the Effects of Political Ads

Today we consider some of the persistent controversies over political spot ads and the on-going debate over their effects. Can meaningful political discussion be carried on via 30-second spot ads? Are such ads manipulative or generally untruthful? Does the medium itself encourage negativity and "attack" campaigns rather than constructive political engagement? And what are the effects of such ads, not only on voters, but also on campaign news coverage, the costs of campaigns, and the electoral system in general? Enormous amounts of money are spent on political advertising. Is that money well-spent by the candidates? Do ads actually change votes? Can advertising be viewed as an investment in the political system, or do ads actually undermine the democratic process by trivializing elections and alienating voters? Should political advertising be somehow regulated?

Readings: Darrell West, Air Wars, 173-93 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm].

Oct. 17: The Future of Political Advertising: Direct Response and the Internet

Advances in computer technologies, along with the exigencies of fund-raising in the modern campaign, gave rise to direct mail, computer-assisted telephone solicitation, and other new methods of campaigning in the 1980s and 1990s. Today, the internet is playing an increasingly important role in political campaigns. Capable of targeting sympathetic audiences and proven contributors, these technologies provide the most efficient and effective means of raising money from small, geographically dispersed contributors, as dictated by the campaign finance reforms of the 1970s. As more"private" or "narrow-casted" communications, they also may encourage more aggressive, more provocative appeals than "broadcast" media. As such, however, these new media raise new questions about the ethics of campaign communication and the effects of campaign reforms.

Readings: William L. Benoit and Pamela J. Benoit, "The Virtual Campaign," online at: http://www.americancomm.org/~aca/acjdata/vol3/ Iss3/rogue4/benoit.html]; Bush and Gore Websites [From the homepage of this course’s website, click "Links" and browse these and other candidate websites.]

Oct. 19: Midterm Exam

Oct. 24: "Pack" Journalism and the "Feeding Frenzy"

Recent literature on campaign journalism has moved away from discussions of ideological bias to focus upon such "structural" or "institutional" biases as so-called "pack" and "horserace" journalism. "Pack" journalism refers the tendency for the relatively small group of national campaign reporters covering a particular campaign to collaborate on stories, rely on "pool" reporting, and define the "news" of the campaign for the entire nation. This helps explain the striking similarity of campaign stories not only within but across the various mass media--newspapers, news magazines, and television. The term "pack" journalism was made famous in Timothy Crouse’s classic chronicle of the 1972 presidential campaign, The Boys on the Bus, while the "feeding frenzy" is a term used by political scientist Larry Sabato to describe how journalists not only tend to focus on the same stories but pursue scandalous stories about the personal lives of candidates with special vigor.

Reading: Alessandra Stanley and Maureen Dowd, "The Dweebs on the Bus," Gentlemen’s Quarterly, September 1988, 430-33 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm] ; Larry Sabato, "The Boys in the Bush," in Feeding Frenzy, 52-93 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm] .

In-Class Video: "Here and Now: The Media and Presidential Politics"

Oct. 26: The Rhetoric of Horserace Journalism

The dominant trend in campaign coverage since the 1960s has been the dramatic increase in so-called "horserace journalism," or the focus on the contest itself and the strategies and tactics of the candidates. The roots of horserace journalism lie in changing definitions of "news" and in the dramatic, "novelistic" style of campaign reporting made famous by Theodore H. White in his Making of the President series. They also lie in a growing obsession with polls that began as an intellectual movement within journalism schools (the so-called "precision journalism" movement) and culminated in a media "takeover" of the polling industry in the 1980--a "takeover" that resulted in such media-polling "partnerships" as the CBS/New York Times Poll and the ABC/Washington Post Poll. Journalists claim that horserace journalism brings excitement to dull campaigns and increases interest among voters. Critics argue that such reporting transforms politics into a "spectator sport" and only encourages nonparticipation and political cynicism. In addition, they argue that media-sponsored polling represents the creation of news by the media themselves. What do you think? Is horserace coverage good or bad for voters and for the political system? Do the almost daily poll reports during political campaigns serve some useful purpose?

Reading: Kathleen Jamieson, Dirty Politics, 163-88 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm] .

Oct. 31: Are They All Liars? The Rhetoric of Adversarial Journalism

Of all the trends in recent campaign journalism, perhaps the most noticeable and the most damaging is the "adversarial" role journalists increasingly have embraced in the post-Watergate years. As scholar Thomas Patterson has noted, most candidates actually strive to keep their campaign promises, but news coverage of campaigns persistently, even relentlessly suggests that what candidates say and promise should not be believed.

This adversarial impulse is reflected in a sharp increase in "negative" campaign stories stories since the 1960s, but also in a trend toward the reporter’s voice supplanting the candidate’s voice in campaign coverage. In class, we will examine one of the most famous incidents involving confrontation between a reporter and a candidate: Dan Rather’s infamous interview of George Bush during the 1988 presidential campaign.

Reading: Dan Rather, The Camera Never Blinks Twice, 96-124 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm].

In-Class Video: Dan Rather interview of George Bush, CBS Evening News.

Nov. 2: Covering the Ads and Debates: "Ad Watches" and the "Sport" of Politics

As journalists have taken a more interventionist role in political campaigns, they have taken it upon themselves to more actively "interpret" candidates’ ads and debate performances for the voters. With regard to ads, this recently has taken the form of so-called "ad watches," where regular columns or TV news segments are devoted to critiquing the "truth" of specific spot ads. In debate coverage, there are similar efforts to assess the "truth" of statements made by the candidates, but media coverage of debates still focuses overwhelmingly on judgments of who "won" and who "lost" the debate, an emphasis that critics argue reduces politics to a mere "game" or "sport."

Readings: Darrell West, Air Wars, 65-105 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm] ; Sidney Kraus, Televised Presidential Debates, 147-73 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm].

Nov. 7: The Effects of Media Coverage of Political Campaigns

The effects of mass media have been studied by scholars in a variety of disciplines since the 1920s, and over the years there have been many different theories about the power of mass media and the nature of their effects on their audiences. Early studies assumed that mass media were extremely powerful in shaping public opinion. More recent theories do not depict mass media as all-powerful, but most still recognize that the news media play an important role in determining what voters see as the important events, issues, and personalities in campaigns. Moreover, media practices have changed the nature of the campaigns themselves. Designing their speeches and even their ads to attract media attention, campaign agendas are now arguably set by the news media rather than by the concerns and interests of the voters.

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 109-34.

Nov. 9: Trends and Innovations in Presidential Debates, 1960-1996

This first unit on presidential debate establishes trends in the number and character of presidential debates. As we shall see, there has been a marked increase in the number of candidate debates, particularly during the primaries.

We also will introduce the key issues and controversies surrounding presidential debates that will be the focus of our discussion for the remainder of the unit, including the impact of television, questions of sponsorship and format, the role of journalist as panelist and "judge," and the impact of debates on political perceptions and voting behavior.

Reading: Trent and Friedenberg, 249-74; "Debate History," online at http://www.debates.org/pages/debhis.html [Click the buttons for 1960, 1976, 1980, 1984, 1988, 1992, and 1996 and read the summaries of each year’s debates–how many there were, the participants, the formats, etc.].

Nov. 14: The Mythology and "Lessons" of Historic Debates: 1960 and 1980

Much of the conventional wisdom about debate strategy comes from historic debates, most notably the debate of 1960 between John F. Kennedy and Richard M. Nixon. From that debate emerged the "lesson" that appearances count more than the substance, which some candidates and political consultants continue to believe to this day. In preparation for discussing those "lessons," read the transcript of the first Kennedy-Nixon debate, then watch some of the video.

Important "lessons" also have been derived from later debates as well, such as the debate in 1980 between Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter. From reading that transcript, do you get any sense of what those "lessons" might be?

Reading: The First Presidential Debate of 1960, transcript online at: http://www.debates.org/pages/trans60a.html, video online at: http://earthstation1.simplenet.com/Nixon_Kennedy_Debates.html; The Carter-Reagan Presidential Debate, October 28, 1980, online at: http://www.debates.org/pages/trans80b.html.

Nov. 16: Debate Formats and the Experiments of 1992 and 1996

The 1992 and 1996 presidential elections will be remembered for several experiments with new formats for conducting presidential debates. As you read (and view, if you choose) some of those debates, do you think these experiments in format proved successful?

Reading: The 1992 Richmond Debate, online at: http://www.debates.org/ pages/debhis92.html#oct 15 1992; The Second 1996 Clinton-Dole Presidential Debate: October 16, 1996, online at: http://www.debates.org/pages/trans96b.html].

Nov. 21: Third Party Debates: Breaking the Mold

While debates between the major party candidates have become institutionalized and rather predictable, debates between third-party or "fringe" candidates often contain surprises and, some would argue, more political substance. Watching the 1996 third-party debate, do you think that we learn anything that might contribute to improvements in the major party debates as well? Why are third-party debates so different?

Reading: Stephen Bates, "Making Room for Third Parties," online at: http://www.annenberg.nwu.edu/pubs/debate/debate04.htm].

In-class video: The 1996 Third Party Debate

Nov. 23: Thanksgiving Break

Nov. 28: Debate Effects

As with political advertising, campaign debates have inspired much research and discussion concerning their effects on voters. In recent years, a national research project called "Debate Watch" has been launched to study voter reactions to debates and to assess their value in the electoral process. From your readings, what have you learned about the impact of debates? Do those results have any implications for how debates are conducted?

Readings: Trent and Friedenberg, 274-83.

Nov. 30: Issues and Prospects in Presidential Debates

This unit will consider the findings and proposals of a variety of task forces and other groups who have, over the years, investigated and made recommendations regarding presidential debates. Which, if any, of these recommendations do you think would improve the debates as a source of information for voters?

Readings: Kraus, Televised Presidential Debates, 241-84 [Electronic Reserve: http://reserve.libraries.psu.edu/warning.htm].

Dec. 5: Town Hall Debates

Dec. 7: Town Hall Debates

Dec. 15 (4:40-6:30): Final Exam

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