Protagoras makes what amounts to a dubious, but at once thought-provoking claim: that many of the greats of their vocations, from the poet Homer to the athlete Herodicus, in fact hid in their professions like an octopus cloaks itself on the seafloor. "All these people," says Protagoras, "...hid behind the screens of these various professions, because they were scared of people's resentment" (316e). Hid what? They were sophists, swears Protagoras, and his innovation lay in the fact that he practices no such dissimulation: "I freely admit that I'm a sophist and that educating people is my job; and I believe that method of protecting myself -- admitting what I do rather than denying it -- is far better than theirs" (317b).
Outside of the veracity of his claim, I think that Protagoras is onto something more structural, which lends itself to not only our current thread of conversation about respectful dialogue, but to Socratic dialogue and Socratic politics generally. Straightforwardness and integrity seem to be ideal vehicles in such forums, regardless of the cargo that they carry. To identify a poisonous element when one sees it is half the battle, and many politicians and other power-holding individuals have recognized this and capitalized on its vulnerabilities. We find several handy examples in current American politics -- I literally peruse the headlines every morning and find at least one, if not more. Friday's New York Times offers an easy one, an oft-talked about issue in recent weeks: the recent cases of gratuitous CIA abuse in its interrogations of "enemy combatants." I find that the article, entitled " Abuse Issue Puts the C.I.A. and Justice Dept. at Odds," illustrates my point well. You see, the point I am trying to make is one that Protagoras makes quite clearly in our text: "Now if you try to get away with something, and don't succeed, and instead get found out, that shows it was a pretty dumb idea even to make the attempt, and it's bound to make everyone even more hostile, because people look on someone who tries that sort of thing as being dishonest on top of everything else" (317a-b, my emphasis). This is precisely the issue under the proverbial magnifying glass in the CIA abuse cases: the CIA has not only lost credibility as a foreign intelligence agency, subject to global opinion, but it has lost faith from American citizens, politicians, and, as is the case demonstrated in this article, its closest counterparts. The Justice Department, led by Attorney General Eric H. Holder, Jr., is seemingly avoiding President Obama's cues, along with those of CIA director Leon Panetta and other high-ranking Washington officials, and considering pursuing the appointment of a prosecutor to investigate what was recognized as excessive measures in the interrogation of possible enemy combatants. These measures are not unfamiliar: the ubiquitous waterboarding, of course, but also things such as wall-slamming and the brandishing of pistols. The crimes -- if they are so determined to be -- are not the issue here, however; rather, the principle of CIA policy is. Not only is Holder at pains to avoid revealing what amounts to torture in the eyes of most, he has been deceived as well, thus igniting what amounts to an "interagency debate" (Baker, Johnston, and Mazzetti). President Obama himself "disavowed the harsh methods, like waterboarding and wall-slamming," note the authors, but even he was pragmatic. "...[The] legal opinions were filled with embarrassing details about the C.I.A.'s aggressive approach. Mr. Panetta sought to heavily edit the memos before releasing them but was overruled when Mr. Obama sided with Mr. Holder, who wanted more detailed disclosures" (Baker, Johnston, and Mazzetti, my emphases). As you can see, Holder is simply seeking full disclosure. The article notes that the Justice Department and Mr. Obama were fully prepared to avoid the issue, but it seems that Holder is largely concerned with setting a new precedent; one in which the CIA is held accountable to at least be straightforward, whether its acts are criminal or not. It seems to me that Holder, Obama, and the Washington political scene in general are starting to decry something that, more so even than wholesale mistakes and policy errors, is detrimental to sound politics. Sure, torture is unacceptable, but the masking of this torture and the sweeping under the giant political rug of documents and video is what will poison the system. Just as Protagoras notes that to be honest at least gains one respect, Washington and the United States citizenry in general acknowledge that we fail miserably if we can't at least have straightforward discourse. It's the most common complaint of American politics: politicians and agencies are never straightforward; they hide their true motives and actions behind a smokescreen of pleasantries, rhetoric, and inauthentic patriotism. Most of us recognize that the American political system just can't work if ideas and actions -- bad or good -- are never plainly promulgated. The same goes for our discussion, and for Socratic politics certainly. It's trite but true: Honesty is the best policy, or at least the healthiest.
I used both my knowledge of the backstory and the above article as a source in this entry. The article can be found at this link: http://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/28/us/politics/28intel.html?pagewanted=1&_r=1&th&emc=th