February 2008 Archives

Hope with an Edge

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My Dad wrote me an email today suggesting I take a look at David Brook's column, When the Magic Fades, in the New York Times.  He wanted to know what I thought, so here it is:

In that article, which seems to be Brooks's own attempt to fulfill a prophesy, he regurgitates the mainstream media's insistence that Obama is all posture and no substance, all hope and no guts.  He calls him the "Hope Pope," the "Changemaker," "The Chosen One," and the "High Deacon of Unity."  He speaks of "what's bound to be a national phenomenon: Obama Comedown Syndrome."  

O.C.S., he says, will set in when people realize that Obama's PAC is giving $698,000 to superdelegates, when they realize he is considering backing off his promise to abide by the public finance campaign-spending rules in the general election and when he fails to stand up to the lobbyists and the special interests in the Democratic party.

As I write, it doesn't look like Wisconsin got the O.C.S. diagnosis in time.  No, they seem to have chosen, and chosen wisely.

My support for Obama has always been because he can use his power with words to mobilize the American people to get substantive change accomplished. I am happy that he is not afraid to play serious politics, Old School style.  He is not naive enough to believe you can get elected on a lot of talk of hope. He knows he needs to win over (which means buy off via legal contributions) all those with loyalties to the Clinton machine.

So, if I were advising him, I would tell him forget the promise he made about campaign contributions.  That was before the people of the US told him that they wanted to finance his campaign themselves via internet contributions to the tune of $36 million in January alone.  This is different from taking huge money from few people. So, I would tell him to say that he has decided to forego public financing because the promise he made previously was intended to ensure that big money special interest groups were out of the mix.  Obama's money is not coming from special interests, but from hundreds of thousands of people giving a little at a time.  This accomplishes the same goal and leaves him free to out spend McCain by a lot.  

What I like about Obama is that he plays by new rules but is ready to respond with tenacity to old ways when needed. Meanwhile, Clinton's tired negative strategy is falling on deaf ears.  McCain seems to be trying some of the same tricks--he says Obama is peddling empty promises, that he and his wife are unpatriotic, etc.--they have no idea what they are dealing with here.

Krugman and Brooks think Obama can't play hardball. Watch him.

This is hope with a hard edge. 
 

Preemptive Dialogue

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I have recently been struck by, and stuck between, two critiques of Obama's foreign policy approach.  The first, articulated here in Kristin Rawl's thoughtful response to my last post on Style with Substance, argues that Power and other Obama advisors will remain far too willing to assert United States military force in areas like Pakistan and Rwanda and Darfur.  She expresses grave concerns about all forms of American preemptive military intervention.  While her emphasis on the complexity of the issues involved and the difficulty of determining a productive way of response are surely correct, I still believe that people like Joseph Cirincione, with his emphasis on engagement, and Power, with her insistence that questions of social justice should drive American foreign policy would be a huge step in the right direction.

From the right, but not so far right that it is ridiculously neoconservative, there is this recent article by Leon Wieseltier of The New Republic. He argues that Obama's impulse to dialogue fails to appreciate the "darker dimensions of our strategic predicament."  He points, rightly I think, to the "recalcitrance of the world," but argues, wrongly I think, that it is a sign of youth (and thus, one assumes, naivete) to think that an essentially optimistic, dialogical stance will be more effective in addressing the recalcitrance of the world than the tough talking posturing and very real violent course of action we have pursued to date.

I would suggest that Obama's fundamental political approach of preemptive dialogue and compromise informed by a set of ideals and values grounded in a commitment to social justice is much more mature and effective than the immature politics of demonization and destruction.  To take a willingness to dialogue as a sign of weakness is to fall into a masculine logic of violence that has proven to be completely ineffective and counter-productive.  The disposition toward dialogue is a posture of strength and security, bolstered often by a self-assured recognition of military superiority, but guided always by the understanding that the use of force is a sign of failure, even when it may be justified.  

Words and ideas have always had a more substantive capacity to transform cultures and societies than have violence and force.  If we have learned anything from the Bush Administration's many failures it is that it is in America's self-interest to engage the world in a proactive, humble, deliberative and dialogical way.  

This is neither the naivete of youth nor the delusion of nostalgia; it is not a rejection of nuance and subtlety, nor a blanket and abstract refusal to use force; rather it is a mature response to the complexities of the world in which we live, however recalcitrant.  

Ironically, the youth of America--as can be felt here and here at Penn State and on college campuses throughout the country--seem to recognize Obama's hope as grounded and mature.  They hear in it a call for for a level of deliberative action and engagement far beyond the imagination of those who, like Krugman and Wieselteir, defend force and violence in the name of sober realism.

Style with Substance

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To the degree that I have embraced the power of Obama's words as a way to move the country toward a new way of thinking about politics, I risk giving the impression that I too have uncritically fallen into the mainstream media's simple dichotomy that insists that Clinton is substance without much style and Obama is style without much substance.  Leaving the racist undertones of this way of formulating the differences to one side, it is perhaps important to address the distinctions between the two candidates directly.

I propose to do this by looking here at the question of foreign affairs to show the substance of Obama's position and the substantive differences between Obama and Clinton.

Turning to the question of foreign policy, we ought not rely exclusively on the track records of the two candidates nor should we focus only on Clinton's poor judgment in supporting the war in Iraq or Obama's good judgment in opposing it from the start. These are important points, but the best way to determine how a president will conduct foreign affairs is to look at her or his foreign policy advisors.  

One of Hillary Clinton's main foreign policy advisors is Lee Feinstein, the Clinton Campaign's National Security Director.  He co-wrote an article for Foreign Affairs in 2004 with Anne-Marie Slaughter that was critical of the Bush administration's strategy of unilateral preemption even as it argued for a "collective duty to protect" the lives and liberty of citizens of "nations run by rulers without  internal checks on their power...."  It sounds as if the extent of their critique of the Bush Administration is the unilateral nature of their approach.  The "collective duty to protect" seems to be a re-affirmation of the strategy of preemption but "exercised collectively, through a global or regional organization."  Indeed, they suggest "the biggest problem with the Bush preemption strategy may be that it does not go far enough."

Obama's foreign policy team includes Joseph Cirincione, Lawrence Korb and the human rights scholar Samantha Power.  Cirincione has argued for a policy in which diplomacy plays a central role in the attempt to "contain and engage" nations like Iran.  He argues: 

"Rather than pursue the faint hope that the organization of coercive measures will force Iran’s capitulation, our contain-and-engage strategy couples the pressures created by sanctions, diplomatic isolation and investment freezes with practical compromises and realizable security assurances to encourage Iran onto a verifiable, non-nuclear weapons path."

This fits well with the central idea of Samantha Power's Pulitzer prize winning book, A Problem from Hell, which is "that if the shapers of US foreign policy looked out for the human consequences of their decisions, the world and the United States would be far better off."  When Obama speaks powerfully about change it is to give voice to this very different way of pursuing foreign affairs.  This is part of the substance that underlies the style.

For a good, balanced discussion of the substantial differences between Clinton and Obama on this issue see, Stephen Zunes's article, Behind Obama and Clinton, on Common Dreams.

I want to thank Marcus Dracos for pointing me to information about the various advisors of the candidates, and for his thoughtful analysis of the differences between Clinton and Obama.  Much of what is written here grew out of conversations with Marcus.

To view Samantha Powers talk about why she works for and supports Obama, see below:

Yes We Can

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There is really only one message this week: Yes We Can.

Will.i.am, who says he is not big on politics, was nevertheless moved after New Hampshire to write and produce this song based on the speech Obama gave there.  

The song is moving and I hope it will move others in states across the country this Tuesday to vote for what American could be, for what it is supposed to be.


DSC_3509.JPGJanuary is a paradoxical month: it contains the hope of new beginnings in the very dead of winter.

In early January, we traveled to the National Aquarium in Baltimore.  Little did we know when Chloe posed for this picture in front of a wall of fish eyes, that just a few weeks latter we would be at the Franklin Institute watching a young staff member dissect a cow's eye.  Chloe was fascinated.  She is developing a keen interest in everything having to do with the operation of the body.  She watched that dissection with the same sense of curious wonder that she had when watching the video of open heart surgery they have there at the Franklin Institute.  This interest in the body, in its operation and its repair has it roots in her longstanding interest in bodily injury and the possibility of recovery.

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I have written in the past about what a wonderful mimic Hannah is.  Here at the Children's Museum in Philadelphia, she carries it to an extreme.  To watch Hannah at play with her own image was to see a girl at ease with herself taking pure joy in making herself multiple.  She danced for quite a while to the delight of her parents and grandmother.

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